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Examines the Taliban and its form of Islamic fundamentalism, explains how the organization rose to power, and discusses its impact on Afghanistan and why the country has become a center for international terrorism.

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A Pakistani journalist and best-selling author of <IT>Taliban<RO> and <IT>Jihad<RO> offers a troubling look at the increasing turbulence threatening Central Asia, looking at the assassination of Benazir Bhutto and its potential repercussions, the resurgence of the Taliban and Al Qaeda, and the growing instability in a nuclear-armed Pakistan. 75,000 first printing.

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This volume provide a multidisciplinary thematic exploration of religious violence in South Asia. The contributors examine the actual organization of violence, the role of governmental agencies and state authorities, the socio-economic conditions that contribute to violence, and the long-term consequences of such violence.<P></P><P>Providing original ethnographic accounts from sites of violence in South Asia it:</P><P></P><P>- map the contemporary discourse on Hindu-Muslim violence and focus on the causes of communal violence as well as its long-term consequences;</P><P></P><P>- situate the nation-state within the incidents of violence-variously termed ethnic, communal and everyday violence - that simultaneously frame and challenge the authority of the state;</P><P></P><P>- locate the current discussion on violence and the state in Pakistan, and provide a general thematic overview of religion and state institutions in Pakistan;</P><P></P><P>- discuss the specific locality-based socio-economic conditions that contribute to violence;</P><P></P><P>- expand various categories of violence to present a South Asian perspective in regard to the current western discourse on `global terrorism&apos;.</P>

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In the mata-narrative of histories, the dominant motif of women in violent conflict is the Grieving Mother. Yet, there are many faces of women in conflict in South Asia. Women have negotiated conflict situations by becoming citizens, combatants, heads of households, war munitions workers, prostitutes, producers of soldiers and war resisters, and political leaders at the local and national levels. At one end in South Asia, is the Woman of Violence represented by the Armed Virgin of the LTTE (Liberation Tigers of Tamil Ealam), and at the other, the Woman of Peace, symbolised by the Naga Mothers Association in the nationalist struggle for an independent Nagaland.<P><B></B></P><B> </B><P><B></B>Structured around six narratives of women negotiating violent politics in their everyday lives, this book shifts the focus away from the victimhood discourse and explores women&apos;s agency for both peace and conflict. Threaded through these essays is the controversial theme of the dualism of "loss and gains": the societal upheaval caused by conflict opens up public spaces for women, thus bringing about unintended but desirable structural changes for women&apos;s empowerment; yet, it is precisely at this time that the impulse to women&apos;s transformation is circumscribed by the nationalist project itself, which casts women in the role of guardians of the community&apos;s accepted and acceptable distinct cultural identity and tradition.</P><P><B></B></P><B> </B><P><B></B>This book is a vital and timely contribution to the literature on women&apos;s culture of peace politics.</P>

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Identifies Southeast Asia as a new headquarters for the Al Qaeda terrorist network, drawing on hundreds of intelligence documents to explore the methods used to recruit and train thousands of Islamic fighters and how the organization has successfully carried out numerous terrorist strikes throughout the world.

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This volume provide a multidisciplinary thematic exploration of religious violence in South Asia. The contributors examine the actual organization of violence, the role of governmental agencies and state authorities, the socio-economic conditions that contribute to violence, and the long-term consequences of such violence.<P></P><P>Providing original ethnographic accounts from sites of violence in South Asia it:</P><P></P><P>- map the contemporary discourse on Hindu-Muslim violence and focus on the causes of communal violence as well as its long-term consequences;</P><P></P><P>- situate the nation-state within the incidents of violence-variously termed ethnic, communal and everyday violence - that simultaneously frame and challenge the authority of the state;</P><P></P><P>- locate the current discussion on violence and the state in Pakistan, and provide a general thematic overview of religion and state institutions in Pakistan;</P><P></P><P>- discuss the specific locality-based socio-economic conditions that contribute to violence;</P><P></P><P>- expand various categories of violence to present a South Asian perspective in regard to the current western discourse on `global terrorism&apos;.</P>

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<P>The Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI) was initiated by US President Bush on 31 May 2003. Its purpose is to prevent elements of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) from reaching or leaving states or sub-state actors of proliferation concern. Such states include first and foremost North Korea, but also Iran, the Sudan, Syria and Cuba. Countries publicly adhering to its Principles have grown from a core of 11 to more than 20, including in Asia, only Japan and Singapore. <br><br>Most WMD traffic moves by sea. The focus of the PSI is on interdictions and seizures. There have been 11 successful intercepts so far. This includes an intercept of WMD related materials to Libya that purportedly forced Libya to abandon its WMD programs. Moreover Liberia, Panama, the Marshall Islands and Croatia have signed bilateral WMD boarding agreements with the United States.<br><br>Although the PSI has made considerable progress, its aggressive promotion and implementation has created considerable controversy. It has been criticized for lacking sufficient public accountability, stretching if not breaking the fundaments and limits of existing international law, undermining the UN system, limited effectiveness, and being politically divisive. Moreover, countries that are key to a successful PSI ---like China, India, Indonesia and South Korea---have not publicly joined the activity despite US pressure to do so, and Japan and Russia seem to be rather reluctant participants. Each is weighing the pros and cons of public participation. <br><br>The PSI has been cast upon already stormy political seas. In both Northeast and Southeast Asia, Cold War relationships and alliances are being stressed as the region's countries re-adjust to each other, the United States and the new security environment. China's rise, Japan's drive to become a 'normal' country, and big power competition for influence in Southeast Asia set the political context. Within this context, maritime security issues are rising to the forefront of national concerns. Jurisdiction is creeping seaward and perceptions of threat and concepts of sovereignty are diverging, greatly elevating maritime sensitivities. <br>Options for increasing PSI participation and enhancing its effectiveness include changing existing international law; expanding existing conventions or developing a new one; obtaining an unambiguous empowering UN Security Council Resolution; obtaining NATO endorsement; arguing pre-emptive self-defense; and building a coalition of countries willing to perform such interdictions on each other's ships and aircraft or in or over their territorial seas. However each of these options has obstacles and limitations that must be overcome. The PSI has some ways to go before it becomes the comprehensive effective tool its founders envisioned.</P>